Equal Rights for Gays
  New
  York Times, December 8, 2002
  229 W. 43rd Street, New York, NY 10036
  Fax: 212-556-3622
  Email: letters@nytimes.com
  http://www.nytimes.com
  The Supreme Court agreed last week to hear a challenge to Texas’
  "Homosexual Conduct" law, which makes gay sex illegal, even when it
  is consensual and done in private. The case could be the vehicle for the
  Supreme Court to overturn one of the worst rulings in its history, its 1986
  decision in Bowers v. Hardwick, which upheld the criminal convictions of two
  Georgia men for having gay sex in a private home. The court should remove the
  blot of Bowers from its record and extend the full rights of citizenship to
  gay Americans.
  The two men who brought the Texas case were arrested in the home of one of
  them by police officers who were responding to a false report of a weapons
  disturbance. The men were held in police custody for more than a day and were
  fined. Having been convicted of what Texas law defines as a crime of
  "moral turpitude," they can now be disqualified or restricted in
  practicing dozens of professions that range from doctor to bus driver, and in
  several states they are considered sex offenders and would have to register
  with the police.
  The men’s convictions violate the Constitution’s guarantee of equal
  protection. Thirteen states have laws against sodomy, but Texas is one of just
  four whose law applies only to gay sex. It punishes gays as a class by
  criminalizing an act that is central to who they are—in the same way, as the
  Supreme Court noted in an entirely different context, that a tax on wearing a
  yarmulke would be a tax on Jews.
  A decade after Bowers, the Supreme Court struck down an antigay Colorado
  constitutional amendment on equal protection grounds. The court ruled that the
  state amendment, which banned localities from prohibiting discrimination
  against gays, violated the equal protection clause because it classified gays
  "not to further a proper legislative end but to make them unequal to
  everyone else." The same analysis applies to the Texas sodomy law. It
  advances no legitimate state interest—Texas defends it simply by declaring
  that gay sex is "immoral." And like the Colorado law, it makes gay
  people "unequal to everyone else."
  But the Supreme Court should go further and find that Texas’ sodomy law—and
  other states’ laws that do not apply only to gays but are mainly used
  against them—infringes on the constitutional right to privacy. The conduct
  at issue in this case is every bit as private as having an abortion, using
  contraception and other activities the Supreme Court has held to be protected.
  To reach this holding, the court must overturn Bowers, which held that it
  was "facetious" at best to suggest that consensual, private gay sex
  is constitutionally protected. Justice Lewis Powell Jr., the critical fifth
  vote, later called the ruling a mistake. In the 16 years since Bowers, society
  has come a long way toward accepting gay people. Nearly half the states that
  had sodomy laws in 1986 no longer do. And since then, thousands of states,
  localities and private companies have enacted antidiscrimination policies
  protecting gays.
  The movement on this issue is all in one direction: toward greater
  acceptance, and legal protection, for gays. There can be no real doubt that
  Bowers will eventually be relegated to the same dustbin of legal history as
  Plessy v. Ferguson, which upheld separate-but-equal racial classifications,
  and the Dred Scott case, which required the return of fugitive slaves. It is
  time to toss Bowers out and to accord gay people full rights under the law.
  
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