Last edited: February 06, 2005


Dog Bites Man

The New Yorker, May 5, 2005
Posted April 28, 2003
Talk of the Town
Comment

By Hendrik Hertzberg

The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania is the birthplace of Gertrude Stein, the Duchess of Windsor, and Andy Warhol. Pennsylvania’s largest urban conglomeration, Philadelphia, is known as the City of Brotherly Love, and it also gave its name to the movie for which Tom Hanks, playing a gay lawyer, won his first Oscar. A stone’s throw away, in neighboring Camden, Walt Whitman, the poet of democracy and manly adhesiveness, spent his golden years. All of that is well and good. But let’s not get any funny ideas.

Pennsylvania’s junior United States Senator is Rick Santorum, who has lately earned himself a spot of trouble by talking about sex. Senator Santorum is widely regarded, not least by himself, as an up-and-comer. At forty-four years of age, he already holds the exalted title of chairman of the Senate Republican Conference. This makes him the No. 3 man in the Republican leadership, just behind the Majority Leader, Bill Frist, and the Assistant Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell. According to an official press release, which was headed “Statement of U.S. Senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) regarding misleading Associated Press story,” and which was put out last Tuesday, “Senator Santorum recently sat down for an interview with the Associated Press with an understanding that a profile piece would be published regarding his 8-year tenure in the Senate.” The implication was that the Senator had been sandbagged, but the profile in question had come out a few days earlier, and at first glance it was hard to see why Santorum was complaining about it. Its first sentence—

Sen. Rick Santorum, a self-described compassionate conservative intent on climbing the Republican leadership ladder, filters all politics and policy through one guiding principle: what is best for the American family

—was nearly identical to the first sentence of the “About the Chairman” section of the Senate Republican Conference’s Web site:

Since joining the United States Senate in 1995, Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania has emerged as one of the most effective defenders of the American family.

Nothing misleading in either of those, assuming your definition of the American family is strictly limited to a husband, a wife, and as many children as they can produce without interference from artificial means of contraception. The supposedly misleading bit started a couple of paragraphs further into the A.P. story, when the reporter, Lara Jakes Jordan, quoted the Senator—who was discussing a challenge to the constitutionality of Texas’s sodomy law, currently before the Supreme Court—as saying that if the Court O.K.’s gay sex at home “then you have the right to bigamy, you have the right to polygamy, you have the right to incest, you have the right to adultery. You have the right to anything.”

A flap ensued. Santorum was taken to task—by Democratic politicians, by newspaper editorialists in cosmopolitan cities, and by gay organizations, including the patient, Job-like Log Cabin Republicans. He had his defenders, too. Some agreed with Kenneth Connor, of the Family Research Council, who said, “I think the Senator’s remarks are right on the mark.” Others protested that those remarks had been taken out of context. Still others, in the spirit of loving the sinner while taking no position on the sin, drew attention to Santorum’s inner goodness. Majority Leader Frist called him “a man of tremendous integrity, a deep faith, someone who believes all men are created equal.” (No, wait—that’s what Santorum said about Trent Lott four months ago. What Frist said last week was “Rick is a consistent voice for inclusion and compassion in the Republican Party and in the Senate.”) As for President Bush, his press secretary, Ari Fleischer, said on Wednesday that “the President typically never does comment on anything involving a Supreme Court case, a Supreme Court ruling, or a Supreme Court finding—typically.” (When a reporter made reference to the fact that the President had given a speech expressly to comment on an affirmative-action case now before the Court, Fleischer replied that that was why he had stressed the word “typically.”) By Friday, though, Fleischer was saying that Bush “has confidence in Senator Santorum,” whom he thinks is “an inclusive man.” People’s sexuality, Fleischer added airily, is “not a matter the President concerns himself with.”

A few hours after the original story moved on the wire, the A.P., no doubt stung by charges that it had quoted Santorum unfairly, made public lengthy excerpts from a transcription of the interview. The excerpts have bounced around the Internet, but they have not received the sustained attention that, as a sample of the quality of mind of one of the nation’s most powerful legislators, they deserve. Excerpts from the excerpts:

MS. JORDAN: I mean, should we outlaw homosexuality?

MR. SANTORUM: I have no problem with homosexuality. I have a problem with homosexual acts. As I would with acts of other, what I would consider to be, acts outside of traditional heterosexual relationships. And that includes a variety of different acts, not just homosexual. I have nothing, absolutely nothing against anyone who’s homosexual. If that’s their orientation, then I accept that. And I have no problem with someone who has other orientations. The question is, do you act upon those orientations? So it’s not the person, it’s the person’s actions. And you have to separate the person from their actions.

MS. JORDAN: O.K., without being too gory or graphic, so if somebody is homosexual, you would argue that they should not have sex?

MR. SANTORUM: We have laws in states, like the one at the Supreme Court right now, that have sodomy laws and they were there for a purpose. Because, again, I would argue, they undermine the basic tenets of our society and the family. And if the Supreme Court says that you have the right to consensual sex within your home, then you have the right to bigamy, you have the right to polygamy, you have the right to incest, you have the right to adultery. You have the right to anything. Does that undermine the fabric of our society? I would argue yes, it does. It all comes from, I would argue, this right to privacy that doesn’t exist in my opinion in the United States Constitution.. . . In every society, the definition of marriage has not ever to my knowledge included homosexuality. That’s not to pick on homosexuality. It’s not, you know, man on child, man on dog, or whatever the case may be. It is one thing. And when you destroy that you have a dramatic impact on the quality—

MS. JORDAN: I’m sorry, I didn’t think I was going to talk about “man on dog” with a United States Senator. It’s sort of freaking me out.

MR. SANTORUM: And that’s sort of where we are in today’s world, unfortunately. The idea is that the state doesn’t have rights to limit individuals’ wants and passions. I disagree with that. I think we absolutely have rights because there are consequences to letting people live out whatever wants or passions they desire. And we’re seeing it in our society.

MS. JORDAN: Sorry, I just never expected to talk about that when I came over here to interview you.

One might point out, a little wearily, that bigamy and polygamy, like other forms of marriage, are matters of contract law, not of private consensual sex. Or that Santorum’s logic would dictate the criminalization of adultery as well as homosexuality, with potentially devastating consequences for both Houses of Congress. Or that to say that homosexuality is “no problem” but actually doing anything homosexual should be punishable by law is like saying that freedom of conscience includes the right to think heretical thoughts but not to utter them. Or that Santorum believes that while individuals have no “right to consensual sex within the home” the state does have “rights to limit individuals’ wants and passions,” which is to say their feelings. Or that—oh, never mind. It’s probably unfair to parse Santorum’s pronouncements as if they were products of ratiocination. No wonder, though, that liberal Democrats, moderate Republicans, and other non-hard-right types are increasingly nostalgic for the likes of Ronald Reagan (who delivered a forceful but unfortunately not fatal blow to Republican homophobia when he opposed a referendum that would have barred homosexuals from teaching in California’s public schools) and Barry Goldwater (whose suspicion of Big Government did not include an opt-out provision for bedrooms). Those were the good old days, even if we didn’t know it at the time.


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